Kura, Yeye, Benang, Kalykool
Past, Present, Tomorrow, Forever

Ngulla Boodjar
Our country

Tourism is defined as the “activities of persons traveling to and staying in places outside their usual environment for less than one year, for leisure, business or other purposes not related to remuneration from within the place visited” (WTO 2003a). In many countries tourism is the number one industry and the fastest growing economic sector in terms of foreign exchange earnings and job creation despite recent slowdowns due to international terrorism, the Iraq War and Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome (SARS) (WTO 2003a), plus political unrest and aviation issues (WATC 2003a). The importance and value of tourism globally was recognised in November 2003 when the World Tourism Organisation (WTO) was granted the status of a specialized agency of the United Nations. Within Australia the Federal government, at this time, decided to rejoin the WTO after several years of absence (WTO 2003b).

Tourism is one of the world's fastest growing industries contributing over 10% to global Gross Domestic Product (WATC 2002a: 12). The number of international visitors traveling to Australia reached almost five million in the 2000-2001 financial year, boosted by the Sydney Olympic and Paralympic Games (ABS 2002: 612). The tourism industry contributed approximately 4.5 percent to Australian GDP, employing approximately 5.4 percent of the Australian workforce and generating export earnings of $12.8 billion (WATC 2002a:12). According to figures released by the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS), Overseas Arrivals and Departures preliminary June 2001 figures showed an 8.8 per cent increase during the financial year prior to September 2001, compared with the 8.5 percent increase for same period the previous year (ABS 2002:613). The Federal Minister for Sport and Tourism Jackie Kelly, said these results suggested a landmark achievement for the Australian tourism industry.

Indigenous Tourism
Indigenous tourism is a form of ‘special interest’ tourism and depends on the primary motivation of the tourist (Hall & Weiler 1992). Harron and Weiler (1992) discuss ‘ethnic tourists’, and say that most Indigenous/ethnic tourists seek “first hand, authentic and sometimes intimate contact with people whose Indigenous and / or cultural background is different from the tourist” (Harron & Weiler 1992:84). They seek direct experience, the human element, more intimate and authentic contact than that classed as ‘cultural tourism’ (which involves culture in an indirect way as a backdrop). Indigenous tourism also links to environmental / nature-based tourism, arts and heritage, plus adventure tourism (Harron & Weiler 1992). Harron and Weiler (1992) suggest that the motives of Indigenous / ethnic tourists are poorly understood. There are a variety of reasons to seek this form of tourism; some are motivated by curiosity and seek elite peer approval, some only want short-time and not-too-close encounters. However demand is growing and influenced by marketing, the images of which create preconceived ideas in the tourist (Walle 1996). Harron and Weiler (1992) suggest that marketing is often half-true, perpetuating stereotypes of aboriginality as an “exotic, inanimate curio…” (p87), not as a complex living culture. The term ‘ethnic’ tourism is not commonly used in Australia, most marketing refers to Aboriginal or indigenous tourism.
Indigenous tourism is defined as

Hinch and Butler (1996) describe a range of types of indigenous tourism that they illustrate by use of a matrix; this varies between two key aspects - range of control and indigenous theme of the attraction – and gives four possible scenarios:
‘ Culture Controlled’- High degree of indigenous control, indigenous theme present;
‘ Diversified Indigenous’- High degree of indigenous control, with indigenous theme absent;
‘ Culture Dispossessed’ - Low degree of indigenous control, indigenous theme present; plus
‘ Non-indigenous tourism’ - Low degree of indigenous control, no indigenous theme (See Figure 1).

Figure 1. Indigenous Tourism (Hinch & Butler 1996: 10)

Hinch and Butler (1996:11) state that overall “indigenous tourism occurs within the context of a global tourism industry that is dominated by non-indigenous actors”. This raises issues such as local control and the synergies with the global industry as well as the broader environmental contexts of power, transport, and marketing (Hinch & Butler 1996).

Pitcher, van Oosterzee and Palmer (1999) suggest that ‘indigenous’ tourism offers a more inclusive term than ‘Aboriginal cultural tourism’, as it means

This fits with the aims of the National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Tourism Industry Strategy (ATSIC 1997) to increase indigenous participation in the tourism industry – to be integrated into the whole rather than seen as a separate component, to then benefit from the use of mainstream infrastructure and support mechanisms (Pitcher et al 1999:3).

Aboriginal cultural tourism is a growing phenomenon due to growth in special interest tourism throughout Australia (Altman 1989; ATA 2003; CDT 1994; Hall & Weiler 1992; Hinkson 2003; Hollinshead 1996; SATC 1998; TNSW 1997; Zeppel 1998a, 1998b; Zeppel & Hall 1991). Many tourist brochures entice national and international visitors to pay large amounts of money, or ‘big bucks’, to witness the uniqueness of Aboriginal culture at first hand. For example, a Western Australian Department of Conservation and Land Management (CALM), Yanchep National Park, 2001, brochure proclaims, “Yanchep National Park, Perth’s Natural and Cultural Meeting Place” where “Local Aboriginal People (Nyungars) teach their traditional lifestyle and culture” and “There are didgeridoo and dance performances as well as boomerang throwing” (CALM 2001). This advertisement illustrates a typical tourist brochure promoting Aboriginal Tourism by linking culture with nature and the environment. The Western Australian Tourism Commission (WATC) describes this form of tourism as “Nature-based, Aboriginal and Cultural Tourism” and its objective is to “develop key nature-based, Aboriginal and cultural tourism products aimed at achieving sustainable lower levels of tourists at higher levels of expenditure” (Coopers and Lybrand, 1995:13).

Aboriginal Tourism in Australia is based on the cultural aspects of traditional indigenous lifestyles. Much the same is happening in Northern Europe and the United States of America (Coopers and Lybrand 1995:13). The growing interest in Australian Aboriginal tourism augers well for Aboriginal people wishing to become involved in tourism. However, there are many different facets to the Aboriginal Tourism industry that needs addressing, not least of which is Aboriginal ownership of Aboriginal tourism outlets (Altman 1989; Altman & Finlayson 2003; ATA 2002; Finlayson 1994; Hinch & Butler 1996; Johnston 2000; Pitcher, van Oosterzee & Palmer 1999; Sofield 1991; Venbrux 2000; Zeppel 1998a) in unique and diverse settings in Australia.

Aboriginal ownership of indigenous tourism outlets is one area that will be covered in this report. Other topics for review are;
• a history of Aboriginal tourism in Western Australia;
• tourism interest in Aboriginal tourism;
• Native Title, Cultural Heritage and Aboriginal Intellectual Property Rights;
• policy direction of major government market operators;
• commissioned reports on Aboriginal tourism;
• market research on Aboriginal tourism and finally,
• research gaps in Aboriginal tourism studies. Incorporated are tourism issues including tourist motivation, sustainability, authenticity, commoditisation and marketing.

The purpose of this research and report is to ascertain the position of the Aboriginal tourism market in Nyungar lands in the south-west of Western Australia (See Figure 2) written from an Aboriginal perspective, as Zeppel (1999:20) suggests is needed in tourism research.

The portion of this map represents the lower southwest portion of the southwest of Western Australia.

Figure 2. Tindale Map

The project participants examined five (5) of the regions that comprise Nyungar traditional country through case studies that will reveal the state of Nyungar tourism in the South West. The areas of traditional Nyungar ownership or geopolitical language groups within these regions are Yuat, Kaniyang, Goreng, Minang, Nyaki-Nyaki, Bibbulman, Pindjarup, Wardandi, Wajuk, Wiilman and Wudjari (Tindale, 1974), (See Figure 2). While researching the section ‘History of Aboriginal Tourism in Western Australia’, the report will focus on Aboriginal tourism in south-west Western Australia, with brief mention made to Aboriginal people situated in regional Western Australia. This includes the Wongi people of the Goldfields and Eastern Goldfields; the Yamatji of the Murchison, Gascoyne and Pilbara regions, and the Kimberley Aborigines who comprise many different language groups (See Figure 3 Indigenous Language Groups in WA).


Figure 3. Tindale Map of WA Indigenous Language Groups 1950

While it is beyond the scope of this report to examine each and every group in these regional areas of Western Australia, it is important to acknowledge that Aboriginal tourism in the northern and Kimberley areas appear to be flourishing because of the interest in “Nature-based, Aboriginal and Cultural Tourism” by intrastate, interstate and international tourists. While a review of literature suggests there appears to be a dearth of research on Aboriginal tourism in the Goldfields region, the main objective of this project is to examine Aboriginal tourism in the South West Nyungar region of Western Australia.

The researchers looked at case studies of tourism and outlets that are Nyungar-owned and operated, non-Nyungar owned (CALM & private enterprise) but operated by Aboriginal people, and also tourism outlets that Nyungar people hope to establish in the near future. An example of the latter is the now defunct Moore River Native Settlement (established in 1917), which became the Mogumber Methodist Mission in 1951 (WAC 1992). This site is currently managed by the Moore River Heritage Committee and comes under the auspices of the Wheatbelt Aboriginal Corporation (Heritage & Conservation Professionals 1997). The rejuvenation of the Moore River area presents a good example of the Tourist Area Life-Cycle model advocated by Butler (1980, see Figure 4). He suggested that over time tourist sites underwent an evolution through the stages of involvement, exploration, development, consolidation and stagnation, leading to either decline or rejuvenation of the site depending on how it was managed (Butler 1980). In the Moore River case, tourism is being advocated to help rejuvenate an area that is in decline due to a discontinuation of development and use.


Figure 4. Hypothetical evolution of a tourist area (Butler 1980:7)
(Key: A Rejuvenation; B Reduced growth; C Stabilization; D Marked decline; E Immediate decline)

This research will also include mention of the Carrolup Mission “Child Artists of the Australian Bush” and the Coolbaroo League that flourished in Perth during the 1940s and 1950s (Miller & Rutter, 1952; Drewe 1996; Long 1996). These institutions were instrumental in promoting Aboriginal arts and crafts, not only to the mainstream culture in Australia, but to international visitors as well.

This report will trace Aboriginal input into assisting the colonials to open up this country for white expansion. There are many instances where Nyungar people worked side by side with white people, examples include Tommy Windich a Balardong Nyungar who John Forrest with his many expeditions throughout Western Australia. Wylie, a Minang Nyungar youth who assisted Edward John Eyre cross the Nullarbor; Sam Isaacs a Wardandi/Pibelmen Nyungar who helped Grace Bussell save many passengers from the wrecked ship Georgette in 1876 and other instances where, without Aboriginal expertise and knowledge of the land, white people would have perished (Palmer & Collard 1998). The report will briefly cover the Western Australian Aborigines Act of 1905, the Aborigines Act of 1936 and the The Commonwealth Referendum of 1967 (Bennett 1985; Milnes 2001; van den Berg 2002), which gave Aboriginal people citizenship in Australia, their ancestral country. It will also mention the topical issues of Native Title, Cultural Heritage and Aboriginal Intellectual Property Rights that intersect with Aboriginal Tourism.

On the contemporary level, this report will examine policy direction, marketing research and research gaps in Aboriginal tourism. It will identify the direction Nyungar Aboriginal Tourism is heading and what can be done to assist operators promote and market their businesses. It will look at Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Commission (ATSIC) research into Aboriginal tourism, the Western Australian Tourism Commission (WATC), the Western Australian Indigenous Tourism Operators Committee (WAITOC), and private enterprise interest in the indigenous tourism industry. The case studies to be studied include Kwillana Dreaming, Maali Mia, Middar, Wardan, Waljin Consultancy, Kepa Kurl, Southern Aboriginal Corporation, Kodja House, Nyungar Cultural Centre (Bunbury) and Yirra-Kurl. (See Figure 5). In all, this research will shed light on Nyungar Aboriginal Tourism in the South West of Western Australia, an under-researched area.

The Case Study locations of:
Kwillana Dreaming – Pinjarup Nyungar country
Wardan Cultural Centre – Wardandi Nyungar country
Waljin Consultancy – Wardandi Nyungar country
Kodja Place – Kaniyang Nyungar country
Maali Mia – Wajuk Nyungar country
Yira-Kurl – Wajuk Nyungar country
Southern Aboriginal Corporation – Minang Nyungar country
Bunbury Cultural Centre – Kaniyang Nyungar country
Middar Dance Group – Pinjarup Nyungar country


Figure 5. Location of Nyungar Case Studies in Nyungar boodjar